A short report on Nepal at the Congress of the Socialist International, Madrid, 1980 : BP Koirala

The last 18 moths have been a hectic time for Nepal. It was during this period that the rigid authoritarian grip of the system under the King with absolute powers has started loosening; and the opposition democratic forces driven underground during the last 20 years of authoritarian rule, started appearing overground and working among people in a generally relaxed atmosphere.

During this period the king called a referendum to decide what the people wanted by way of a change in the political system; he relaxed the ban on political campaigning and granted a general amnesty to all political prisoners (except a group of extremist terrorist known as Naxalites), and political exiles, allowing them to return to Nepal; all the cases against them, including the cases of treason, insurrection and political violence, were withdrawn. Although political parties still continue to be banned, their activities are connived at. The freedom of expression and assembly is guaranteed and although there are some restrictive clauses in the legislation pertaining to the freedom of press, expression and assembly, they are not invoked to suppress the freedom. These are the positive gains that the progressive democratic forces have achieved in recent months.

The most notable event of this period was the Referendum of May 1980. The issue to be decided by the referendum was: Multi-party system, or reforms in the existing Panchayat System. The Multi-Party, camp to which we belong and which we represented in essence lost the referendum with a small margin. We got 2.1 million votes out of 4.4 million i.e. 46% of votes. The result was so unexpected that there was a general feeling that the referendum had been rigged on a massive scale. I, however, attribute our failure to win the referendum to the following causes apart from others:

1. The terms of the referendum had been adroitly framed. The words “reforms in the existing system” were clearly defined by the King as suggesting some fundamental amendments in the system itself viz, direct election of the members of the National legislative body, election to be held on adult franchise, the Prime Minister and his government instead of being nominated by the King as of today to be elected by the national legislative body, the King giving up the role of the highest executive in the day to day governance of the country etc. The other choice before the people of Multi-party system was left vague and undefined.

2. The utilization of the authority and prestige of the King against Multi-party system to such an extent that in the mind of the people the choice was between the King and the multi-party system as represented by the Nepali Congress. It termed in some measure to be a verdict not on the system but the kingship itself.

3. Massive use of the Government machinery by the establishment to buy votes in their favor or to terrorize the people into voting against us. The government’s monopoly of the major means of publicity propaganda and the radio was used against us in a vicious manner.

4. Lack of adequate resources at the disposal of the Nepali Congress.
Association in the Multi-party camp of extremists and Communists preaching disruption and violence. Their association in the Multi-party camp with their strident and radical campaigning scared-away a large number of voters. This cost the Multi-party camp a few hundred thousand votes.
Thus, technically we lost the referendum, but politically it has strengthened the democratic base of the Opposition. We of the Nepali Congress have distinctly emerged as the viable alternative to the present faltering system. The 46% of votes cast in favor of the Multi-party system were essentially votes mobilized by our party and cast in our favor. We have a sanction of this massive vote. Our voice has received a legitimacy, which cannot be ignored in any new arrangement that the King may have in mind.

The king has promised a new Constitution. He has already given the broad outlines of the new Constitution. It will have such democratic provisions as a legislative assembly elected on the basis of adult franchise and a Government elected by the Assembly and dependent not on the King but on the Assembly. After the announcement of the Constitution, new elections for the National Assembly would be held on the newly announced terms. We are aware that the new Constitution will not be wholly democratic, but we think it will have democratic features like the ones mentioned above which could provide a basis for the gradual expansion of the democratic rights of the people. The new Legislative Assembly (elected on the basis of adult franchise) having the powerful right of making the Government of the country is a prelude to the emergence of the Parliamentary system. We are, therefore gearing up to fight the coming elections on the terms of the new Constitution. We have had, however, a very unhappy experience of participating in the referendum under a hostile and partisan Government which had thrown to the winds all norms of democratic behavior. We will therefore, insist this time on a new Interim Government to supervise the elections, a Government, which would represent our point of view also.

To summarize: the political situation is developing favorably for us, but we have still a long way to go. There is a triangular contest for power; (1) the King, (2) the establishment or the forces of reaction, (3) the popular forces represented by the Nepali Congress. The King seems to be inching forward towards a democratic polity. We are prepared to help him to get out of the clutches of the status-quoers and the reactionary elements.

The third force, other than the King and the Nepali Congress, namely those of the establishmentarians and the status-quoers are entrenched in the palace and in the administration. As the prospect of an understanding between the King and the democratic forces brightens, these forces of reaction ally themselves with elements of disruption and chaos. The parties subscribing to foreign ideologies and dependent on foreign support, and the so called radicals who expect to thrive on condition of chaos and disturbance of law and order are lending a helping hand to the forces of reaction. It is a strange combination of extreme left and the extreme right confronting the democrats in Nepal. Nepali Congress is faced with this formidable challenge. We are not, however, daunted.
With the accentuation of crises in South Asia, Nepal is left with little option. We as a nation cannot survive if the King and the democratic forces do not reach a working arrangement. We feel that there is no alternative to the line of national reconciliation i.e. reconciliation between the King and the People which was brutally disrupted by the late King in 1960; who by dismantling the democratic structure introduced an authoritarian rule under his aegis.

In the end, I must express our heartfelt appreciation and thanks to the socialists who have gathered here for their unflinching moral support to our democratic cause in Nepal. I am sure this support will be sustained and increased in coming months, when we would be laying the foundation of a democratic Nepal.